[B4—the Broad Front Opposing the Right—can’t be about the
status quo. While it must be aimed at defeating all attacks on our
democratic rights, its thrust must be to expand democracy and shift US
domestic and foreign policy.]
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‘B4’ IT’S TOO LATE: THE SOCIALIST LEFT’S ROLE IN FIGHTING
AUTOCRACY  
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Bill Fletcher Jr.
January 5, 2023
Convergence Magazine
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_ B4—the Broad Front Opposing the Right—can’t be about the
status quo. While it must be aimed at defeating all attacks on our
democratic rights, its thrust must be to expand democracy and shift US
domestic and foreign policy. _

Breach of the US Capitol, January 6, 2021, photo by Brett Davis,
licensed CC BY-NC 2.0

 

I found myself watching the Netflix series _Babylon Berlin_ over the
last several weeks.  Netflix has three seasons of this German-made
look at 1929 Weimar Germany.  Though technically a mystery revolving
around a German police detective, this is a story of the collapse of
the Weimar Republic and the growing strength of the Communists as well
as various right-wing currents within the republic, including but not
limited to Nazism.  As such, it is chilling and cannot but force a US
viewer to reflect upon the growth of right-wing populism and
right-wing authoritarianism in the US.

It was within this broader political and media context of the growth
of right-wing authoritarianism that I read _Pro-Democracy Organizing
against Autocracy in the United States (PDOA _for short_)._  This is
an amazing, comprehensive, and sobering look at what needs to be
considered and undertaken in the face of virulent right-wing
authoritarian mass movement.

By way of preface, it is important to be clear that the right-wing
populist/authoritarian movement that has become energized since 2009
did not appear out of nowhere.  The history of the US as a racial
settler-colonial project laid very firm foundations for the periodic
rise of nefarious movements of the political Right, movements that are
regularly racist, sexist, xenophobic and irrationalist.  The current
incarnation of right-wing populism aims to create a future for the US
based on a _reconfigured_ US, something akin to the pre-1912
country, if not being a 21st century version of the Confederate
States of America. A neoliberal right-wing combined with a far-right
semi-fascist tendency has resulted in the development of what can be
understood as a _“neo-Confederate” political bloc_.  This is a
complicated and contradictory alliance that shares the objective of
establishing a semi-apartheid system in the US along with the
suppression of basic democratic rights up to and including the
possibility of gutting and redoing the Constitution.

_Pro-Democracy Organizing Against Autocracy in the United
States _takes, as its starting point, the possibility of the
successful capture of government by right-wing authoritarian forces. 
It does not treat this as inevitable, nor does it suggest that all is
hopeless should such a scenario come into existence.  But it does
argue that in order to prevent the success of right-wing
authoritarians and undermine a right-wing authoritarian hegemony,
there must be a new practice introduced by progressive forces.  In
sum this includes:

* Building and maintaining a large-scale, multi-racial, cross-class
pro-democratic united front
* Protecting, holding and building local community power through
alternative institutions
* Building pressure to create splits and defections within the Right
* Preventing, deterring, and strengthening resistance to state
security force and/or paramilitary violence.

The paper also suggests specific steps in this direction that include
information networks, education and training efforts, international
outreach and, interestingly, development of conflict resolution
mechanisms for handling contradictions within the broad front.

Rather than reiterate the excellent points raised in the paper, points
with which I am largely in agreement, I believe it necessary to focus
on the particular role and vision that a socialist Left can advance in
our current situation and in building resistance to right-wing
authoritarianism.

Clarity on the nature of the enemy

_PDOA _is unapologetic in identifying the principal enemy at this
juncture being what I described earlier as the “neo-Confederate
bloc.”  To say that it is the principal enemy does not mean that it
is the only enemy.  It means, however, that strategy must focus,
first and foremost, on taking down the principal enemy and that all
else is secondary.

There should be nothing surprising in this assertion.  Whether in war
or politics, one must first ascertain who or what is the main enemy
and then figure out the steps—and alliances—necessary in order to
bring them down.  A failure to attain that clarity can mean a
dispersal of resources and, ultimately, failure. 

Starting here is critical since there are many forces on the US Left
that refuse to identify the neo-Confederate bloc as the principal
enemy.  They remain obsessed with taking down centrist Democrats or
believing that these two opponents are equally dangerous, as if the
centrist Democrats are trying to destroy abortion, voting rights and
the recognition that the Earth is round.  If one cannot identify the
principal opponent, the approach elaborated in _PDOA_ is futile.

The need for “B4”—before it is too late

As _PDOA _suggests as its first point, there is a need for what I
would term a “Broad Front Opposing the Right,” i.e., “B4.” 
The authors suggest that efforts towards such a front need to be
started immediately through a series of summits.  Let’s step back
for a moment, however.

Using the term “broad front” aims to convey both the scale and
scope of this project, but also to avoid unnecessary discussions that
disarm the Left over whether one is building a “united front” or a
“popular front.”  In the context of 21st century US, what is
being proposed is a “broad” front that has a focus on overcoming
and smashing the far-Right, i.e., demolishing the neo-Confederate
bloc.  _PDOA_ is correct in saying that this must be
multi-racial/multi-national and cross-class.  It cannot be an
alignment of the Left alone nor can it be limited to those who are in
total agreement with a left/progressive agenda.

B4 must first of all be defensive in that it is actively opposing the
thrust from the far-Right.  It is aiming to put the breaks on the
neo-Confederate offensive.  Thus, the question that must be asked by
those trying to bring such a front into existence—which is hopefully
the socialist Left and our immediate allies—revolves around
identifying who that should include.  To answer that, there must be a
broad mapping of liberal, progressive and left forces across the US.

There is a prior step, however.  The socialist Left and
left/progressive forces need to have a convening to ensure that there
exists a critical mass of organizations and individuals committed to
this path.  Building B4 will involve considerable political,
organizational and diplomatic work.  This core will need to take
responsibility for moving the B4 process, though a broader
left/progressive configuration will be necessary in order to actually
convene a full-blown B4 process.

A socialist Left core that has an analysis of the larger national
picture, will need to undertake the diplomatic work involved in
initiating the sorts of convenings that _PDOA_ suggests.

B4 needs to be convened by organizations and individuals with a real
basE

There are too many left and progressive convenings that have involved
noted individuals and interested people who have no base.  Even a
large gathering of people is next to irrelevant if they lack a base. 
Thus, there is a need for groups such as the Working Families Party,
Progressive Democrats of America, as well as a host of state-based and
locally based left/progressive groups that have a real mass base to
play the leading role in a convening.  The socialist Left, through
its work in such groups, must fight for a united front orientation and
against sectarianism and small-group mentality.

Principles that unite and the need to reject purity

The Right is far better at united fronts/broad fronts than the Left. 
They make it easy for people to join their mass movements and set very
few preconditions.  Their assumption, proven over and again, is that
they will win people to their overall framework through the course of
their work in one of their fronts.

The Left, on the other hand, insists on raising the bar for entry into
our various projects.  We tend to set purity tests of various sorts
and identify why we _cannot_ unite, rather than determining what
steps are necessary in order to unite.

B4 necessitates principles of unity that distinguish it from both the
neo-Confederate bloc and the Democratic National Committee.  This
does not mean that it should take a sectarian stand towards the
Democratic National Committee.  Rather, it must be far broader in
content but also in its strategic and tactical approaches.  More
about that below.

Establish clear strategic objectives

It is one thing to convene a gathering (no matter how difficult); it
is another to establish clarity on strategic direction.  B4 needs to
have a set of strategic objectives in terms of what it seeks to
accomplish at the national, state and local levels over the next 10
years.  Those objectives, we should note, should not be restricted to
electoral cycles.  They should aim at winning broad left/progressive
power at the national, state and local levels through defeating the
Right and presenting a program that breaks with the _status quo_.

This last point cannot be overemphasized.  B4 cannot be about
the _status quo_.  While it must be aimed at defeating all attacks
on our democratic rights, its thrust must be to _expand_ democracy;
a program of consistent democracy.  As such B4 must aim to shift US
domestic and foreign policies, combatting the Right domestically and
globally.

Encourage splits within the Right

One of the most insightful and courageous points raised in _PDOA _is
the need to encourage defections from the neo-Confederate bloc.  For
many leftists, such an idea is an anathema to our general approach. 
Yet, in order to defeat our opponents, we must ascertain means of
provoking splits within their ranks and demoralizing component parts
of their blocs.

To use a strange analogy, I was once engaged in protecting a meeting
from the intrusion of provocateurs.  The provocateurs showed up and
said—openly—that if they had to bust into the meeting, they needed
to attack my colleague first and not me.  That was a brilliant move
aimed at destabilizing the alliance with my colleague and trying to
get me to fight less.

B4 must employ a similar approach.  That means that there will be
Republicans, independents, etc., with whom we have no strategic unity,
but with whom we may have tactical unity in opposing the far-Right. 
Under those circumstances, we must find means for united action or, at
a minimum, aim to neutralize them.

And B4 does what?

Left and progressive forces regularly form coalitions and then nothing
happens!  Usually this is connected with lack of strategy and,
specifically, the inability to prioritize.  B4 will need to
coordinate activities among its constituents; provide on-going
information as well as counter the propaganda of the Right; and engage
in various campaigns (electoral and non-electoral).  This work
includes:

* Building up electoral fronts on a state-wide basis
* Mounting electoral assaults or counterassaults against the Right
* Overturning efforts being undertaken by the Right to convene a
Constitutional Convention
* Utilizing ballot initiatives in order to destabilize the Right,
consolidate progressive opinion, and build base areas in
Republican-dominated states
* Constructing social media strategy focused on mobilization and
information provision
* Organizing mass mobilizations that go beyond ‘Saturday in the
park’ rallies.  Specifically, countering mass mobilizations carried
out by the Right; building defensive mass actions when the far-Right
makes is appearance
* Building legal assistance networks when progressive and liberal
forces come under attack, e.g., when rightwing elected leaders move
against so-called Antifa elements and BLM elements
* Building various levels of self-defense.

Conflict-resolution within B4 and resolving “contradictions among
the people”

So many progressive coalition efforts are undermined by
rumor-mongering, miscommunications, and the heightening of
contradictions until differences result in splits.  We have little
successful experience in internal mediation with an aim of resolving
differences.

While some differences are actually splitting differences, a new
approach can be introduced in order to sustain and build B4. Among the
understandings and practices in this approach:

* Allegations do not equal the truth.  When allegations are offered,
whether regarding personal behavior or a political stance, B4 needs to
have a conflict-resolution policy and mechanism to surface  issues
and address them directly.  Allegations must be accompanied by facts
rather than remain as feelings and opinions.
* Presume good will.  Despite what will inevitably be major
differences, B4 participants should start from an assumption of
positive intent.  Internal differences should not be treated as
equivalent to differences with our opponents.
* There should be protocols or agreements on acceptable and
unacceptable behavior within B4.
* Organizations within B4 should not act unilaterally on any matters
that the broader front is attempting to resolve—or act upon—except
and insofar as B4 is incapable of making a decision.
* B4 should anticipate that contradictions and problems will emerge
along racial, ethnic, gender and religious lines.  These should be
handled according to the prior approach.  Individuals and
organizations should be encouraged to hold back on jumping to
conclusions.  And, where errors have been committed, a process of
rectification should be put into place in order to correct the
underlying problem.

Is the socialist Left up to the challenge?

Therein lies the question.  The socialist Left vacillates between
grandiosity and myopia.  We often cannot conceive of winning because
winning necessitates broad alliances with forces with whom we are
frequently at odds.  Additionally, we quickly elevate every
difference to one of principle rather than deciding what
issues/matters can and must be resolved at any given moment and what
can be placed on hold.

If we can agree that B4 is essential, and if we can agree on the
overall approach offered by _PDOA_, then we can proceed with all
deliberate speed, in organizing to weather the coming storm and build
a countercurrent advancing consistent democracy.

_Bill Fletcher Jr.
[[link removed]] is a longtime
trade unionist, writer and speaker. He was also a president of
TransAfrica Forum, chairperson of the board of directors of Advocates
for Minor Leaguers, and co-coordinator of the Campaign to End the
Moroccan Occupation of Western Sahara. He is a member of the
International Work Team of Liberation Road. He has written and edited
several books, including Solidarity Divided: The Crisis in Organized
Labor and A New Path Toward Social Justice (with Fernando Gapasin,
University of California Press, 2009) and the murder mystery
novel The Man Who Fell From the Sky (Hardball Press, 2018) and its
forthcoming sequel._

_Convergence [[link removed]] is a magazine for radical
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_Today, our movements continue to grow, but so too does the threat
from the racist, authoritarian right. We believe we can defeat them,
dismantle racial capitalism, and win the change we need by building a
new governing majority that is driven by a convergence of grassroots
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_Join us._

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