From xxxxxx <[email protected]>
Subject Facing Houthi Victory in Yemen, US Changes Tactics
Date January 2, 2023 1:00 AM
  Links have been removed from this email. Learn more in the FAQ.
  Links have been removed from this email. Learn more in the FAQ.
[U.S. officials are trying to preserve a truce that has reduced
violence and created the possibility for a negotiated settlement to
the war.]
[[link removed]]

FACING HOUTHI VICTORY IN YEMEN, US CHANGES TACTICS  
[[link removed]]


 

Edward Hunt
December 14, 2022
Foreign Policy in Focus
[[link removed]]

*
[[link removed]]
*
[[link removed]]
*
*
[[link removed]]

_ U.S. officials are trying to preserve a truce that has reduced
violence and created the possibility for a negotiated settlement to
the war. _

Yemen War Detailed Map, 0ali1, CC BY-SA 4.0 via Wikimedia Commons

 

After years of backing a disastrous, Saudi-led military intervention
in Yemen, the United States is shifting its approach to the war,
supporting a UN-brokered truce that has resulted in the most
significant reduction of violence since the war began.

Bowing to the reality that the opposition Houthi movement now controls
80 percent of the population of Yemen and has acquired the means to
launch missiles deep into Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates,
U.S. officials have been focusing on the truce as a means of achieving
a ceasefire and ending the war.

The truce “has brought a period of unprecedented calm in Yemen,
saving thousands of lives and bringing tangible relief for countless
Yemenis,” President Joe Biden said
[[link removed]] in
a statement in August.

For years, the United States has played a major role in the war in 
[[link removed]]Yemen
[[link removed]]. Operating largely from
behind the scenes, the U.S. military has quietly empowered a Saudi-led
military coalition to conduct a devastating war against Houthi rebels,
who seized control of the capital city of Sanaa in 2014.

As part of its military campaign, the Saudi-led military coalition
repeatedly launched airstrikes against civilian targets, including
schools, buses, markets, prisons, weddings, funerals, and hospitals.
Their attacks on civilians shocked much of the world, leading
to charges
[[link removed]] of war
crimes
[[link removed]].

The Saudi-led coalition’s military intervention sparked a massive
humanitarian crisis that continues to this day. The situation in Yemen
remains “the largest humanitarian crisis in the world,” according
to the United Nations [[link removed]].
An estimated 80 percent of the population requires humanitarian
assistance just to survive.

For the United States, the war has been a moral and strategic failure.
Not only has the United States enable
[[link removed]]d
[[link removed]] the
Saudi-led military coalition to commit war crimes, but it has steadily
lost influence throughout Yemen and the broader Middle East.

At a congressional hearing
[[link removed]] last
week, U.S. officials lamented the current state of affairs in Yemen,
as they reviewed the grim consequences of the war.

Sarah Charles, an official at the U.S. Agency for International
Development, told Congress that nearly 400,000 people have died in the
war, mostly as a result of hunger, sickness, and inadequate health
care.

“Children are the primary victims of this war,” she said.

U.S. Special Envoy Timothy Lenderking reviewed the extent of Houthi
advances, noting that their military forces number in the hundreds of
thousands. A significant development, he continued, is that the
Houthis have formed closer relations with Iran, which initially
[[link removed]] had
little to do with the conflict. “At the start of the conflict eight
years ago,” he said, “Iran was not as close to the Houthis as it
has become.”

According to Lenderking, about 40 Iranian advisers are now on the
ground in Yemen helping the Houthis develop skills to assemble and
launch missiles against both Saudi Arabia and the United Arab
Emirates. “With Iranian help, the Houthis have developed an
increasingly precise capability so that they can launch complex
attacks,” he said.

A major turning point in the war came earlier this year when the
Houthis were on the verge of a military victory in Marib, the
Saudi-backed government’s last stronghold in the north. Although the
Saudi-led coalition managed to push
[[link removed]] the
Houthis back with airstrikes and a ground campaign, it faced
extensive retaliation
[[link removed]],
with Houthi forces firing missiles into Saudi Arabia and the United
Arab Emirates.

Amid the battle for Marib, Saudi officials began running out of
stockpiles of defensive missiles, creating fears
[[link removed]] that
they would be defenseless against future attacks.

“The Houthis have won the war in Yemen,” Bruce Riedel, a former
CIA analyst, reported
[[link removed]] at
the time for the Brookings Institution, where he has been writing
about the war as a senior fellow.

Within this context, U.S. officials threw their support behind
the UN-brokered truce
[[link removed]],
which required an end to cross-border attacks. With both sides taking
steps to reduce hostilities, U.S. officials began framing the truce as
a basis for ending the war.

“The truce reflects the balance of power on the ground,”
Riedel wrote
[[link removed]] in
April, shortly after the truce went into effect. The Houthis
“control Sanaa and most of northern Yemen; they are on balance the
victors.”

The truce has brought several benefits to the people of Yemen. Since
its implementation in April, civilian casualties have sharply
declined
[[link removed]].
More people have received humanitarian assistance. Despite the fact
that the truce lapsed in October, several of its main elements remain
in place, including a major reduction in hostilities.

It remains unclear whether the Biden administration has been using the
truce to buy time for the Saudi-led coalition or establish a
foundation for ending the war. Reportedly, the administration has
been reconsidering
[[link removed]] its
ban on sales of offensive weapons to Saudi Arabia. Its sense
of betrayal
[[link removed]] by
the Saudi regime over an alleged deal on oil production may stall
future cooperation, however.

C
[[link removed]]ongressional
opposition
[[link removed]] to
more U.S. arms sales to Saudi Arabia may tie the administration’s
hands. Congress could invoke the War Powers Resolution
[[link removed]] to
end U.S. involvement in the war, leaving the Saudi regime with no
option but maintaining the truce and working toward a negotiated
settlement.

“As we look forward, we want to get back into the truce,”
Lenderking insisted at last week’s hearing. “There are important
back-channel conversations that are happening between the parties that
are helpful to this process. But… we are not there yet.”

_EDWARD HUNT writes about war and empire. He has a PhD in American
Studies from the College of William & Mary._

_FOREIGN POLICY IN FOCUS (FPIF) is a “Think Tank Without Walls”
connecting the research and action of scholars, advocates, and
activists seeking to make the United States a more responsible global
partner. It is a project of the Institute for Policy Studies._

_FPIF provides timely analysis of U.S. foreign policy and
international affairs and recommends policy alternatives on a broad
range of global issues — from war and peace to trade and from
climate to public health. From its launch as a print journal in 1996
to its digital presence today, FPIF has served as a unique resource
for progressive foreign policy perspectives for over two decades._

_We believe U.S. security and world stability are best advanced
through a commitment to peace, justice, and environmental protection,
as well as economic, political, and social rights. We advocate that
diplomatic solutions, global cooperation, and grassroots participation
guide foreign policy._

_FPIF aims to amplify the voice of progressives and to build links
with social movements in the U.S. and around the world. Through these
connections, we advance and influence debate and discussion among
academics, activists, policy-makers, and the general public._

_While our editors work to ensure that FPIF contributions are
consistent with the core values of IPS, the views expressed in FPIF
publications do not necessarily reflect those of the staff and board
of IPS._

_FPIF is edited by Peter Certo, the senior editorial manager of the
Institute for Policy Studies. It is directed by John Feffer, an IPS
associate fellow, playwright, and widely published expert on a broad
array of foreign policy subjects._

_FPIF is supported entirely by general support from the Institute for
Policy Studies and by contributions from readers. If you value this
unique resource, please make a one-time or — better yet! —
recurring contribution
[[link removed]] to help us
keep publishing._

* Yemen
[[link removed]]
* Saudi Arabia
[[link removed]]
* United States
[[link removed]]
* Civil War
[[link removed]]
* United Nations
[[link removed]]
* war
[[link removed]]
* war crimes
[[link removed]]

*
[[link removed]]
*
[[link removed]]
*
*
[[link removed]]

 

 

 

INTERPRET THE WORLD AND CHANGE IT

 

 

Submit via web
[[link removed]]

Submit via email
Frequently asked questions
[[link removed]]

Manage subscription
[[link removed]]

Visit xxxxxx.org
[[link removed]]

Twitter [[link removed]]

Facebook [[link removed]]

 




[link removed]

To unsubscribe, click the following link:
[link removed]
Screenshot of the email generated on import

Message Analysis

  • Sender: Portside
  • Political Party: n/a
  • Country: United States
  • State/Locality: n/a
  • Office: n/a
  • Email Providers:
    • EveryAction
    • L-Soft LISTSERV