In today’s newsletter:
This week, I spoke at two panel debates on the issue of wealth inequality and policy responses to it. One was organised by King’s College London’s Politics Society, where IEA Economics Fellow Dr Andrew Lilico and I argued against the former Business Secretary Sir Vince Cable and Prof Josh Ryan-Collins from University College London. The other one was organised by the LSE Hayek Society, where I argued against author and YouTuber Gary Stevenson. It was interesting to see how different proponents of the wealth tax see completely different things in it, and have completely different ideas of what such a tax is supposed to achieve. The wealth tax has become all things to all people, and if we ever get one, most of them will end up disappointed. Sir Vince Cable argued that high levels of private wealth can be a bad thing, because they allow the super-rich to manipulate political discourse. He singled out Elon Musk, who previously supported Donald Trump’s campaign, and Sir Paul Marshall, the co-owner and financial backer of GB News. There are major problems with this style of thinking, but let’s ignore those, and just take the argument on its own terms rather than mine. Would a wealth tax really reduce the political engagement of the super-rich? Suppose you are a politically opinionated multi-millionaire with £100,000 to spare. You are wondering whether you should use that money to acquire more assets, or whether you should use it to support a political project. A wealth tax would surely nudge you towards the latter option, because while your asset wealth is now being taxed, political campaigning is not: it is a form of consumption, and wealth taxes make present consumption more attractive relative to future consumption. So a wealth tax might promote the very thing Sir Vince wants it to prevent. Prof Ryan-Collins, meanwhile, sees the taxation of wealth as a way to steer economic activity into more desirable directions. More specifically, he believes that we currently invest too much in property, and too little in other things. I don’t believe in economic ‘steering’, and in the state determining what counts as a ‘desirable’ activity and what does not – but again, let’s ignore that, and judge the argument on his terms, not mine. Actually existing wealth taxes have often done the precise opposite of what Prof Ryan-Collins wants to see: they have offered exemptions or favourable treatment for primary residences, so they may end up pumping more money into the housing market, not less. Other than that: by presenting taxes on wealth as a tool to steer economic activity, Prof Ryan-Collins implicitly accepts that people respond to tax incentives. If they did not, there could be no steering. This is the opposite of what proponents of wealth taxes usually claim. Once you accept that taxes can steer investment, you also have to accept that they can deter it. The debate with Gary Stevenson, although notionally on a similar topic, was completely different in both style and substance. Sir Vince and Prof Ryan-Collins see wealth inequality as a problem, but not as a catastrophe. For Stevenson, on the other hand, the issue is existential: he sees it as the biggest social and economic problem of our time, and a self-accelerating one at that. In his mental model of the world, the top of the wealth distribution is a vortex which sucks all the wealth out of society, and which will keep doing so until actively stopped. One small problem with this is that wealth inequality in Britain is not especially high. It is not high by historic standards, it is not high by international standards, and it is not increasing. So Stevenson’s big story breaks down even at the most basic factual level. But he does have a gripping story to tell, and people want to believe him. What I tried to do on both occasions, hopefully with some success, is to promote a counternarrative, alongside a mere critique of wealth taxes. Because ultimately, the main problem with the wealth tax is no that it’s a bad idea – it’s that it crowds out far better ones. Kristian Niemietz The best way to never miss out on IEA work, get access to exclusive content, and support our research and educational programmes is to become a paid IEA Insider. IEA Podcast: Head of Media Reem Ibrahim is joined by Managing Editor Daniel Freeman and Editorial Director Kristian Niemietz to review the budget and its fallout — IEA YouTube Spontaneous Order
A new briefing paper from the Institute of Economic Affairs argues that spontaneous order – the emergence of complex systems without central coordination – provides strong grounds for resisting Government action, especially when proposed to correct market failures or promote efficiency. Elaine Sternberg, author of Spontaneous Order: Analysis and Implications, said:
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Future of the American Right | Grover Norquist | IEA Interview, Former Executive Director interviews Grover Norquist, IEA YouTube You’re currently a free subscriber to Insider. For the full experience, upgrade your subscription. Paid subscribers support the IEA's charitable mission and receive special invites to exclusive events, including the thought-provoking IEA Book Club. We are offering all new subscribers a special offer. For a limited time only, you will receive 15% off and a complimentary copy of Dr Stephen Davies’ latest book, Apocalypse Next: The Economics of Global Catastrophic Risks. |