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Week of December 1, 2025 [[link removed]] | Iran Unfiltered is a digest tracking Iranian politics & society by the National Iranian American Council

* Historic Collapse of the Rial Signals Deepening Economic Crisis [[link removed]]
* Iran’s Leadership Signals a New Phase of Hijab Enforcement Amid Ambiguity and Expanding Pressure [[link removed]]
* The Passing of Nasser Masoudi: A Cultural Loss for Iran and Its Musical Heritage [[link removed]]
* Controversy Over the Arrest of Iranian Actors at a Private Gathering: Accusations of Rights Violations and Unlawful Conduct [[link removed]]
* Iran’s Air Pollution Emergency: Rising Deaths, Red-Level Alerts, and Escalating Governance Failures [[link removed]]

Historic Collapse of the Rial Signals Deepening Economic Crisis [[link removed]]
Iran is entering one of its most volatile economic periods in years, as record-breaking prices for the dollar, gold, and coins collide with a sharp new surge in inflation, widening social inequality and exposing deep structural vulnerabilities in the country’s financial system. In early December 2025, the U.S. dollar crossed 120,600 tomans, establishing a historic all-time high, while the Emami gold coin reached 124–127 million tomans and 18-karat gold hit 12.2 million tomans per gram, the highest levels ever recorded in Iran’s modern financial history. These developments reflect not temporary market distortions but a rapidly deteriorating economic environment shaped by sanctions, geopolitical conflict, fiscal mismanagement, and accelerating inflation.

New findings from the Iran Statistics Center show that 12-month inflation rose to 40.3% in Aban 1404, the highest figure since Esfand 1402. More alarming is the speed of inflation: prices in Aban were 3.4% higher than in Mehr, marking the fastest monthly inflation rate for Aban in five years. Food prices are rising at a far more dramatic pace than overall inflation: the average cost of food has increased 66% over the past 12 months, with certain categories rising even faster. Fruits and nuts have more than doubled in price, while the cost of Iranian rice has more than tripled in just one year, provoking widespread public anger. These national averages mask even starker regional differences: annual food inflation ranges from 55.7% in Semnan to 79.4% in Alborz, demonstrating the uneven and deeply destabilizing nature of the crisis.

The burden of this inflation falls disproportionately on low-income households. According to the Statistics Center, 42% of total expenditures for the poorest decile go toward food, compared to 21% for the wealthiest decile. When food prices rise faster than other goods, as is happening now, the effective inflation rate for poor households becomes significantly higher than the national average. The combination of soaring food prices and collapsing purchasing power is generating what economists describe as a regressive shock, eroding living standards for millions of Iranians.

These domestic pressures are unfolding alongside severe currency instability. The dollar, which dipped briefly to 106,000 tomans after the Iran–Israel war, has begun a steep climb since late Aban, driven by renewed tension over Iran’s nuclear program and the activation of the UN snapback mechanism, which reinstated multilateral sanctions. Analysts widely agree that the snapback has had immediate and extensive negative effects on the rial. As sanctions tighten, public fear grows, prompting households to move savings into dollars, gold, silver, diamonds, and digital currencies — assets perceived as more reliable than the rapidly weakening rial.

Global gold dynamics have further amplified the crisis. International gold prices, which reached a historic $4,380 per ounce in mid-October, have resumed their upward trajectory after a brief dip, rising more than 3% last week and stabilizing above $4,200 per ounce. With gold acting as a global “safe-haven asset,” the combination of international demand and domestic panic buying has pushed Iran’s gold prices into unprecedented territory.

Iran’s structural economic weaknesses are also driving inflation. For nine consecutive months, official inflation has risen every single month, and projections indicate that inflation will likely reach 44–47% by the end of the year under all realistic scenarios. Several factors are pushing inflation higher. First, the full impact of the late-summer and early-fall currency shocks has not yet appeared in consumer prices, meaning imported goods and foreign-component products will continue to become more expensive. Second, the government’s plan to introduce a third gasoline tier at 5,000 tomans per liter is expected to slightly raise transportation costs and could trigger upward revisions in taxi and delivery fares, despite the government’s promises of compensation. Third — and most consequential — is Iran’s severe budget deficit, estimated between 400 and 1,800 trillion tomans, fueled by lower-than-expected oil revenue and economic stagnation. This week, the Treasury announced that the government had been forced to borrow directly from the Central Bank just to pay wheat farmers — the first such move in three years — a decision that directly increases the monetary base and therefore inflation.

Beyond these domestic factors, Iran is also experiencing growing pressure in the oil sector. Despite claims of record-high exports, maritime data show that 52 million barrels of Iranian crude are stuck in floating storage, the highest in two and a half years. Nearly half of these tankers are anchored near Malaysia, awaiting ship-to-ship transfers and documentation changes. The backlog is not due to production issues but to delivery bottlenecks linked to Chinese refinery quotas, tightened U.S. sanctions, and rising geopolitical competition in Asian markets.

Former Central Bank deputy Seyed Kamal Seyed-Ali warns that without addressing the massive budget deficit and rapid growth in liquidity, currency stabilization will remain impossible. He cautions that Central Bank intervention is severely limited under snapback conditions. Defending the rial risks draining foreign-exchange reserves, which are needed to finance essential imports. He also emphasizes that episodes of market panic cause ordinary citizens to rush into buying dollars, increasing demand and deepening the crisis.

Taken together, the record collapse of the rial, the historic rise in gold and coin prices, the sharp acceleration in food inflation, the expansion of floating oil inventories, and the deepening budget crisis signal a phase of economic instability without precedent in recent years. These pressures reinforce one another: a weaker currency fuels inflation; inflation drives households toward safe-haven assets; safe-haven demand worsens currency shocks; sanctions continue to restrict revenue; and fiscal gaps force the state to print money, accelerating the cycle.

For millions of Iranians, the consequences are immediate and profound: shrinking purchasing power, growing inequality, the erosion of savings, and a rising sense of uncertainty about the future. As the Gregorian calendar year draws to a close, Iran’s economy is showing clear signs of systemic stress, with market indicators reaching historic highs that reflect not prosperity but a deepening crisis across multiple fronts.

Iran’s Leadership Signals a New Phase of Hijab Enforcement Amid Ambiguity and Expanding Pressure [[link removed]]
In the past week, Iran’s internal struggle over compulsory hijab has intensified sharply, moving from uncertainty and mixed messaging to a coordinated escalation by the country’s top authorities. What began as controversy around an 11-minute leaked audio file and the government’s reluctant confirmation of a written directive from Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has now transformed into a public, multi-layered campaign led by Khamenei, Judiciary Chief Gholamhossein Mohseni-Ejei, and 155 conservative lawmakers. Their combined interventions signal a deliberate move to reassert state control over women’s appearance, even though the Hijab and Chastity Law remains formally suspended and the country is still navigating the profound social shifts that followed the 2022 protests.

The earlier report showed how the leaked audio—attributed to Azim Ebrahim-Pour—claimed that the Minister of Intelligence had delivered a “shocking” report to Khamenei outlining organized cultural dissent and widespread rejection of compulsory hijab. According to the recording, Khamenei responded with alarm and issued written orders for intensified intelligence operations to identify “project-makers” behind cultural change. This narrative gained credibility when Hossein Rafiei, a senior seminary official, publicly confirmed the existence of the report and emphasized that Khamenei had expressed “deep dissatisfaction” and issued explicit instructions.

The Pezeshkian government then acknowledged the directive through Elyas Hazrati, head of the Government Information Council, who confirmed that the order was real but described the leaked audio as “incomplete,” “inaccurate,” and “exaggerated.” Hazrati stressed that the Intelligence Ministry report actually addressed 23 different social issues, with hijab being just one of them, and insisted that the government would not return to coercive models such as the morality police, which President Masoud Pezeshkian called ineffective and socially damaging. Khamenei himself initially avoided mentioning hijab in a major televised speech, and his office published the now-symbolic image of an unveiled female martyr, Nilufar Ghalevand, which many interpreted as a quiet challenge to hardline demands (read more on earlier developments here [[link removed]] ).

That moment of ambiguity ended abruptly. In a new and forceful speech to a large gathering of women, Khamenei directly addressed the hijab issue, warning that domestic media must not repeat “Western narratives” about women, freedom, or dress. He argued that hijab enables women to “progress more than others” and called for the Islamic Republic’s position on women to be promoted both domestically and abroad. This public alignment with conservative messaging effectively greenlights a harder line after days of speculation.

Judiciary Chief Gholamhossein Mohseni-Ejei escalated matters further during a visit to Yazd. He announced that punishments for dress-code violations would become “heavier,” and that non-compliant businesses—including restaurants and cafés—would face long-term sealing, not temporary closures. He revealed that he has issued formal orders to intelligence agencies to track “organized currents” promoting unveiling. Most strikingly, he declared that police are obligated to intervene in cases he described as “clear and observable crime,” adding that if someone appears “semi-naked or naked,” police must take action.

This phrase—“semi-naked or naked”—is both legally undefined and deeply ambiguous. Ejei did not clarify whether it refers to women appearing without headscarves, wearing short sleeves, showing hair, or something else entirely. In Iran’s current context, where millions of women appear unveiled daily without police confrontation, the judiciary’s refusal to define the term gives security forces broad discretionary authority while obscuring the threshold for punishment. This vagueness also raises the question of whether authorities intend to revive morality-police-style enforcement or whether they plan to impose a new, less visible model grounded in intelligence-driven monitoring and judicial pressure.

Ejei further warned that event organizers and even permit-issuing officials will be held responsible if women appear unveiled at ceremonies or public gatherings. He did not specify which legal statutes authorize such prosecutions. This signals a shift toward institutional liability, suggesting that authorities may pressure society through businesses, cultural venues, and public institutions rather than relying on street patrols.

Simultaneously, 155 conservative lawmakers issued a sweeping letter accusing the judiciary and the government of failing to enforce hijab laws, warning of a foreign-backed “nudity movement,” and criticizing what they called “negligence” by officials, managers, and judges. They demanded that the judiciary fulfill its “legal and religious duty” and implement enforcement immediately. Their intervention adds political weight to the judiciary’s new directives and significantly increases pressure on the Pezeshkian administration.

All of this unfolds while the 70-article Hijab and Chastity Law—passed by parliament but suspended by the Supreme National Security Council—remains unenforced. Government spokespeople continue to insist that no budget has been allocated for the law and that the administration will not reintroduce the morality police. Yet the escalating rhetoric from Khamenei, Ejei, and parliament signals the construction of a parallel enforcement system—one that relies on intelligence agencies, judicial discretion, administrative closures, and indirect pressure on cultural and commercial institutions.

The tension now centers on whether Iran is preparing to revive the morality police or replace them with a new, less visible enforcement model. So far, officials deny plans to return to street-level patrols. However, Ejei’s language about mandatory police action, the undefined term “semi-naked,” the reactivation of intelligence units, and the move to punish businesses and organizers collectively point to a strategy designed to restore greater control without the optics that sparked the 2022 uprising.

This new phase comes at a time when Iranian society has fundamentally changed since the death of Mahsa (Jina) Amini. Public non-compliance with hijab norms is widespread, and millions of women have normalized unveiled presence in urban life. The state is now attempting to reverse a social transformation that traditional enforcement mechanisms can no longer easily contain. The latest speeches by Khamenei and Ejei—and the pressure campaign from parliament—represent a coordinated effort to rebuild ideological authority and prepare a more assertive enforcement apparatus.

What began as a leaked audio file and a contested directive has now become a public three-branch escalation. Whether this leads to broad, visible enforcement or remains a selective, intelligence-driven pressure campaign remains unclear. What is clear is that Iran’s leadership is laying the groundwork for a more forceful approach at a moment when society has already moved far beyond the state’s old instruments of control, and simmering anger over a number of issues – from inflation, to pollution to a water crisis – remains palpable.

The Passing of Nasser Masoudi: A Cultural Loss for Iran and Its Musical Heritage [[link removed]]
The recent passing of Nasser Masoudi, one of Iran’s most influential traditional and regional vocalists, marks the end of an era in the safeguarding and transmission of Iran’s diverse cultural heritage. Masoudi, best known for his pioneering work in preserving and elevating the music of Gilan, devoted more than six decades to ensuring that the poetic soul and melodic richness of northern Iran remained an integral part of the nation’s collective memory. His death is felt not only as the loss of a beloved artist, but also as a deeper cultural rupture—one that raises urgent questions about the fragility of regional arts in today’s political and social climate.

Born in Rasht, Masoudi grew up in a region where music was inseparable from daily life—sung in rice fields, along the banks of the Caspian Sea, and in the intimate spaces of family gatherings. He internalized these sounds and carried them to the national stage at a time when Iranian regional music was marginalized and overshadowed by Tehran-based cultural narratives. His voice—gentle yet unwavering—became the sonic embodiment of Gilan’s spirit: lush, melancholic, grounded in nature, and deeply human.

Masoudi’s interpretations of Gilaki melodies were never mere performances. They were acts of cultural preservation, carefully bridging oral tradition with formal musical education. His songs such as “Golnar”, “Roodkhoneh”, “Mirza Kochik Khana,” and “Bad e Shomal” transformed local folklore into nationally cherished works. By doing so, he offered millions of Iranians a way to reconnect with the diversity of their homeland—reminding them that Iran’s identity is not monolithic but a tapestry woven from many languages, histories, and regional traditions.

Masoudi belonged to a generation of musicians who saw their craft not as commercial production but as a responsibility. He resisted pressures to dilute regional music to fit mainstream trends, choosing instead to center authenticity and cultural integrity. This artistic stance, especially in the late 20th century, was quietly radical. At a time when Iran’s cultural landscape was shifting dramatically, Masoudi’s commitment to regional identity functioned as a form of cultural resilience.

His artistry reflected a worldview: that local cultures, when nurtured and respected, enrich the entire nation. In this sense, Masoudi was not only a singer but a guardian of memory. He demonstrated that honoring regional diversity is not a political threat but a cultural necessity—one that strengthens social bonds and fosters belonging across communities.

Masoudi’s death also draws attention to the systemic obstacles that regional musicians in Iran have long faced. Decades of centralization in cultural policy, limited institutional support outside major metropolitan areas, and periodic political pressures have contributed to the erosion of traditional art forms. Many regional artists struggled to receive visibility, resources, or platforms to preserve their heritage.

Masoudi’s success, despite these challenges, underscores his exceptional talent and determination. Yet his passing raises a difficult question: Who will carry this work forward? The preservation of regional identity requires intentional cultural investment—archives, educational programs, community music centers, and the freedom for artists to perform, record, and teach without bureaucracy or political pressure.

In today’s Iran, where artists often navigate restrictive environments and abrupt censorship, the survival of regional arts depends heavily on civil society, diaspora engagement, and grassroots cultural initiatives.

Over the decades, Masoudi became a cultural symbol not only for the people of Gilan but also for Iranians across the world who sought connection to their roots. His music traveled with migrants, forming a bridge between the homeland and the diaspora. For many Iranians living abroad, Masoudi’s voice carried the scent of northern forests, the sound of rain on rice paddies, and the emotional memory of childhood.

His legacy now lives in recordings that continue to shape the cultural consciousness of Iranian youth—many of whom are rediscovering regional identity as an anchor in a time of uncertainty and political turmoil. His work also inspires younger musicians who, despite limitations inside Iran, are experimenting with modern forms of reviving and reimagining regional traditions.

The National Iranian American Council (NIAC) expresses its deep condolences on the passing of Nasser Masoudi, a master artist whose music embodied the richness of Iran’s cultural diversity. His loss is felt profoundly among Iranian-American communities, who have long embraced his music as a link to their heritage and a reminder of the cultural freedoms they strive to see respected in Iran.

We extend our condolences to his family, the people of Gilan, and all who were touched by his work. NIAC calls on Iranian authorities to honor his legacy not by symbolic gestures but by expanding space for artists, protecting cultural freedom, and investing in the preservation of Iran’s regional artistic traditions. True respect for Masoudi’s heritage lies in ensuring that the next generation of artists can create freely, share openly, and celebrate the richness of Iran’s cultural mosaic.

Controversy Over the Arrest of Iranian Actors at a Private Gathering: Accusations of Rights Violations and Unlawful Conduct [[link removed]]
The Iranian Cinema Actors Guild has issued a sharply worded statement condemning the recent arrest of several actors at a private gathering in Tehran, describing the incident as a “deeply regrettable violation of human dignity” and a clear breach of legal, Islamic, and human rights principles . The statement came amid widespread criticism from the artistic community, even as the judiciary spokesperson claimed on Tuesday that he had “no information” regarding the arrest of seven actors and the release of some on bail.

Only hours after the Guild’s statement was published, Pezhman Bazeghi, the Guild’s president, announced his resignation on Instagram, citing “personal and professional reasons”—a move widely interpreted as connected to the controversy . In its late-night statement on Monday, December 10, the Actors Guild expressed astonishment that such coercive actions occurred precisely during the period when the Fajr International Film Festival, after years of stagnation, was regaining momentum, questioning why a “harsh and costly” intervention was carried out at a moment meant to celebrate cultural revival.

The statement focused particularly on the manner of the arrests, condemning the intrusion into a private home, the violation of privacy, and the premature release of names and case details before any judicial review . It argued that the treatment of the detained actors violated the Constitution and the Law on Respect for Legitimate Freedoms and the Protection of Citizens’ Rights, while stressing the principle of equal treatment before the law. The Actors Guild called on high-ranking judicial officials and oversight bodies to intervene immediately, investigate the circumstances of the raid, and take legal action against individuals who, through “malicious or unauthorized reports,” contributed to damaging the emotional security of the artistic community and the cultural reputation of the country.

Iranian media first reported the arrests on Thursday, noting that several actors had been detained at a private party and that some were released the following day on bail . Several well-known cinema figures were reportedly among those named in initial reports. In response, the legal committee of the House of Cinema stated that not all actors whose names were published had actually been detained, though it confirmed that two or three individuals were arrested and that all have been released on appropriate bail while their cases move forward.

The first outlet to report the incident was the state-affiliated Fars News Agency, which claimed that police discovered a “significant quantity of homemade alcoholic beverages” at what it described as a “late-night party .” The agency reported that more than twenty individuals were arrested, stating that the gathering was a birthday celebration for a cinema artist and took place in the home of a well-known actor. According to these reports, one actor was released the same night after signing a pledge, while six others spent the night in detention and were released the following day on bail.

Iran’s Air Pollution Emergency: Rising Deaths, Red-Level Alerts, and Escalating Governance Failures [[link removed]]
Iran’s severe air pollution crisis, which began intensifying last week, has now entered a dangerous new phase as Tehran and multiple major cities continue to experience red-level, unhealthy-for-all air for the tenth consecutive day . The persistence of this toxic smog indicates that the country’s chronic environmental challenges are deepening, with new data revealing not only the scale of the atmospheric emergency but also the growing human cost and governance failures behind it.

On Monday, Tehran Air Quality Control Company announced that the capital remains in the red zone for the tenth day in a row, marking one of the longest continuous periods of dangerous air in recent years . With only six clean-air days recorded since the beginning of the year, Tehran’s residents are now facing sustained exposure to hazardous levels of pollution. Government spokesperson Fatemeh Mohajerani described this situation as “indefensible”, stating that “what citizens breathe in Iran’s major cities today can in no way be called clean air.” Her unusually candid comment reflects an implicit acknowledgment that the environmental crisis has surpassed the government’s existing capacity to manage it.

The health impact is rising sharply . According to the head of Tehran’s Emergency Medical Services, 31% of all EMS missions during the first eight days of Azar were related to pollution-induced health problems, representing a 9% increase compared to the previous month. He also confirmed 357 deaths in this period, emphasizing that air pollution may have contributed to the loss of these individuals. These short-term indicators mirror national mortality figures: the Ministry of Health reports that 58,975 Iranians died in 1403 (2024–2025) due to exposure to fine particulate pollution, equivalent to 161 deaths per day—nearly seven deaths every hour.

The emergency is not limited to the capital . 11 cities in Khuzestan Province reported air quality levels unhealthy for all groups, while Tabriz registered air unsafe for sensitive populations. These simultaneous alerts underscore the widening national scale of the crisis. Remote schooling and work-from-home directives remain in place across many regions, extending the closures that began last week. In Tehran, online instruction has been extended for an additional 48 hours, while public institutions continue operating at reduced capacity. Heavy trucks remain banned from entering the metropolitan area, and hospitals report a 15% rise in respiratory cases and a 3% increase in cardiac complications.

Meteorological projections indicate that atmospheric stagnation will continue, trapping pollutants over urban basins . The National Meteorological Organization has issued ongoing warnings for Tehran, Karaj, Mashhad, Isfahan, Tabriz, Urmia, Yazd, Ahvaz, Qazvin, and Semnan, with no effective rain expected to disperse pollutants. While such weather conditions contribute to the severity of smog, experts emphasize that deeper structural issues are driving the crisis: the burning of highly polluting fuels such as mazut, millions of carbureted motorcycles, outdated vehicle fleets, inefficient refineries, and unchecked industrial emissions.

These failures persist despite the Clean Air Act of 2017, which obligates ministries and public institutions—including the Ministries of Interior, Oil, Energy, Industry, and national broadcasting—to cooperate on emission reductions . Yet most provisions of the law remain unimplemented, and environmental critics argue that responsible agencies have shown minimal progress on modernizing fuel quality, reducing industrial pollution, strengthening public transport, or enforcing emissions standards. The continued reliance on mazut, one of the dirtiest fuels in the world, is especially alarming. Although officials have promised to reduce its use, energy shortages and fear of winter blackouts have pushed power plants to burn mazut at scale, contributing directly to the toxic winter air.

Public frustration has deepened following contradictory official responses . While some government figures acknowledge the severity of the crisis, others have offered symbolic or non-technical remedies. In a recent message, Iran’s Supreme Leader urged citizens to “turn to God for rain, security, and well-being”, a statement that many critics argue does little to address the structural forces behind the crisis. Environmental analysts say that such appeals, combined with promises of electric vehicles and temporary school closures, reflect a government more focused on short-term management than meaningful reform.

The worsening pollution is also intertwined with Iran’s intensifying drought and water scarcity, particularly in Tehran . Low rainfall has left reservoirs dangerously depleted, limiting natural atmospheric cleansing. Reduced hydropower output forces greater reliance on thermal power plants, which in turn burn mazut, reinforcing the pollution cycle. Simultaneously, dry soils, desiccated wetlands, and parched farmland generate massive dust emissions, contributing to particulate pollution even in cities far from dust-storm sources. As a result, winter smog is now part of a broader environmental degradation that includes water insecurity, energy instability, and climate-driven extremes.

The crisis unfolding this week—coming immediately after the nationwide disruptions of last week—shows that Iran is no longer experiencing isolated pollution spikes, but a persistent environmental emergency with serious implications for public health, economic productivity, and long-term urban viability . With ten consecutive days of red-level air, widely reported increases in respiratory and cardiac emergencies, and nearly 59,000 pollution-related deaths in the past year, the scale of the threat is becoming unmistakable.

Short-term measures such as school closures, remote work, and traffic restrictions may reduce immediate exposure but cannot solve the underlying drivers of the crisis . Without decisive structural reforms—including a complete end to mazut burning, modernization of transportation systems, refinery upgrades, strict industrial oversight, and robust implementation of the Clean Air Act—Iran’s skies will remain toxic, its cities will continue shutting down each winter, and thousands more lives will be shortened by preventable pollution.

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