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DEFEATING A BLOC GINNED UP ON DELUSION AND HATE  
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Max Elbaum
May 15, 2025
Convergence
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_ Removing this toxic force from power requires both the broadest
possible anti-MAGA front and a radical contingent aware of just how
deep the roots of US fascism run. _

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_“History…would be of a very mystical nature if ‘accidents’
played no part in it…. including the ‘accident’ of the character
of those who at first stand at the head of the movement.” —__Karl
Marx_
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Most of the time it makes sense to skip past Donald Trump’s rantings
on social media to examine the underlying material dynamics that shape
US politics: The crisis of the neoliberal economic model. The erosion
of US global hegemony. The 60-year right-wing backlash against the
gains of the 1960s. The persistence of economic inequality, racial
injustice, and patriarchy. The impact on the US working class of
deindustrialization, COVID, and post-COVID inflation. The
anti-democratic features built into the US electoral system.

The Left’s assessment of the moment and our strategies for
transformative change need to be grounded in these realities. But a
periodic check on Trump’s messages on Truth Social is also
warranted. It tells us a lot about the way this aspiring dictator
thinks and what appeals to a MAGA base consisting of 70% of
Republican voters and 35% of the electorate overall
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Left assessments and strategies will be mechanical and one-sided if
this dimension of class struggle—what Marx
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“the ideological forms in which men (sic) become conscious of
conflict and fight it out”— is neglected.

Truly a Mad King

So let’s take a look at one of Trump’s most-circulated recent
posts, his Easter message
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Happy Easter to all, including the Radical Left lunatics who are
fighting and scheming so hard to bring Murderers, Drug Lords,
Dangerous Prisoners, and Wife Beaters back into our Country. Happy
Easter also to the WEAK and INEFFECTIVE Judges and Law Enforcement
Officials who are allowing this sinister attack on our Nation to
continue, an attack so violent it will never be forgotten. Sleepy Joe
Biden purposely allowed Millions of CRIMINALS to enter our Country,
totally unvetted and unchecked, through an Open Borders Policy that
will go down in history as the single most calamitous act ever
perpetrated upon America. He was, by far, our WORST and most
incompetent President, a man who had absolutely no idea what he was
doing—But to him and to the person that ran and manipulated the Auto
Pen (perhaps our REAL President!), and all of the people who CHEATED
in the 2020 Presidential Election in order to get this highly
destructive Moron Elected, I wish you, with great love, sincerity, and
affection, a very Happy Easter.!!!

As Robert Kuttner put it in the American Prospect
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Trump is “mad as a hatter.” Messages like this are unmoored from
reality and narcissistic to the core; they drip with raw
vengeance-seeking and dehumanizing contempt. Trump’s mental
pathologies do not drive the fascist threat facing this country. But
his obsessions, vindictiveness, and volatility shape the way this
threat unfolds.

Even more important is the fact that millions of US people believe
Trump was chosen by God (and/or the vast majority of people they
consider “real Americans”) to lead the country. Further, the
devotion felt by a third of the country is not _despite _Trump’s
hatemongering and delusion but _because _of them. Fed a steady
stream of Trump’s abusive messages (along with videos of GOP elected
officials wielding guns, pictures of Kristi Noem gloating over
manacled prisoners, and the like) it’s no surprise a
“cruelty-is-the-point” culture gives a sense of purpose and
belonging to the MAGA faithful.

Deep structures and a long history

Of course, Trump as an individual did not create this base for
fascism. Rather, his combination of delusion and demagogic genius
tapped into mass sentiments with deep material roots. The genocide of
Native Americans, 250 years of racial slavery, and almost 100 years of
Jim Crow have left a poisonous ideological legacy. The Black-led
Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s ended legalized discrimination and
racist immigration quotas and broke the white monopoly on political
power. But that period’s “Massive Resistance
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to desegregation soon re-emerged in the form of a backlash that passed
through Nixon’s southern strategy,1970s crusades against affirmative
action, and the Tea Party response to the election of the first Black
President. It now manifests itself in a crusade to whitewash US
history and replace racial inclusivity and equity with color-blind
racism
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is enthusiastically supported by the MAGA faithful.

The oppression of women and an ideology of rigid gender roles have
long accompanied structures of racial hierarchy. The two are often
linked by similar theological justifications. And misogyny crests
during periods when war and militarism are high on the political
agenda. Today’s Pete Hegseth-led campaign to purge “wokeness,”
DEI, trans people, and respect for the Geneva Conventions from the
military in favor of a “warrior culture” draws together
ideological strands that have a long history and surged in influence
after 9/11.

All this is closely intertwined with an inherently exploitative
economic system whose most recent phase—neoliberalism—has seen a
dramatic growth of both economic inequality and the political power of
a billionaire oligarchy.

A magnet for grifters, billionaires and conspiracy fabulists

Trump’s ascent to power is rooted in these underlying dynamics. But
he has proven remarkably skillful at unleashing the most backward
impulses in US society and re-branding them as simply all-American
common sense. His delusional narcissism—genuinely seeing himself as
a “stable genius” victimized by an unfair system—resonates as
authenticity among millions who feel their economic well-being or
status is under threat. Hence the heartfelt cheers when Trump declares
that he will provide “retribution” for those taken advantage of by
his ever-expanding list of dangerous “others” (the deep state,
globalists, Marxists, Democrats, gangs made up of immigrants from
“shithole countries,” etc.).

Trump’s demagogy is buttressed by an army of grifters, billionaires,
climate change denialists, and wannabe fascists who amplify his
hate-spewing for their own advantage. Tech bros and crypto scammers,
anti-vaxers and conspiracy fabulists, Fox News personalities and
podcast hustlers all play their part.

And in the last 18 months especially, Netanyahu, the Israel lobby, and
genocide-enabling political leaders in both major parties have played
a special role. The dehumanization of Palestinians and the smear that
all who speak up for Palestinian rights are anti-Semitic have not only
become the main justifications for US complicity in genocide. They are
a centerpiece of attacks on freedom of speech, the right to protest,
immigrant rights, and academic freedom.

Strategic implications: a broad front and a progressive trend

Trump’s power-obsessed narcissism and the existence of a mass base
for fascism reinforce two central components of Left strategy during
Trump’s second term. 

One, blocking a descent into fascism requires the broadest possible
coalition, one that includes every possible opponent of MAGA’s
power-grab.

Two, only a powerful and combative force within that front that is
united on a program of structural change can bring enough energy to
defeat MAGA and start a new progressive cycle in US politics. 

The drama from now through 2028 is whether it will be possible for the
pro-democracy forces in US politics to remove MAGA from power by a
combination of mass activism (strikes, civil disobedience, disruptive
protests, organized noncompliance) and electoral victories. In the
last few weeks, the administration’s drive toward autocratic rule
has been meeting increasing resistance. Both popular disapproval of
Trump’s administration and protest actions have increased
substantially. 

It is also likely that opposition to the administration will continue
to grow. The “liberation” Trump thinks he will accomplish via his
“most beautiful word in the English language
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tariffs, for instance, is as disconnected from reality as his social
media rants. Economic disaster—higher prices, business closures, job
losses
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even a collapse of confidence in the US dollar
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quite possible. The political fallout could narrow Trump’s support
to a MAGA hard core that itself might be demoralized and confused by
what to them is an unexpected outcome. 

In a scenario where protest and disapproval grow to the point that
Trump’s tell-the-President-only-good news advisers cannot shield him
from how widespread it is, we can expect Trump’s vengeance-seeking
obsession with power to come to the fore. His invoking martial law via
the Insurrection Act
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other means cannot be ruled out. 

Trump’s moves to gain complete control over the Justice Department,
the military, ICE, the IRS, and the federal courts are designed to
give him the tools to take that kind of step. He has made considerable
progress. But he has not yet been able to purge non-MAGA people from
every position of influence in those institutions. Thus, it is
possible for a combination of active resistance and public disapproval
to influence enough “inside” players to tie Trump’s hands. 

This means that conservative lawyers who actually believe in the rule
of law; military personnel who think their oath is to the Constitution
rather than to the President—along with working-class people who
hold backward views on various issues but are not MAGA
partisans—need to be part of the Left’s political vision. Efforts
are also needed to take advantage of fissures within the MAGA bloc
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which are already evident in fights within the House Republican Caucus
among MAGA deficit hawks, Tech-Bro toadies, and MAGA populists).
Anything that weakens the sense of impunity now prevalent among
Trump’s base or spreads demoralization within their ranks (a little
parody can sometimes go a long way) also should be part of our
arsenal. 

For those who think paying attention to internal MAGA fissures and
seeking alliances with people whose politics we sharply disagree with
is diluting our radicalism, a review of Lenin’s words on the
subject
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be of value:

“The more powerful enemy can be vanquished only by exerting the
utmost effort, and by the most thorough, careful, attentive, skillful
and _obligatory_ use of any, even the smallest, rift between the
enemies, any conflict of interests among the bourgeoisie of the
various countries and among the various groups or types of bourgeoisie
within the various countries, and also by taking advantage of any,
even the smallest, opportunity of winning a mass ally, even though
this ally is temporary, vacillating, unstable, unreliable and
conditional. Those who do not understand this reveal a failure to
understand even the smallest grain of Marxism…”

A radical contingent to drive the anti-fascist front

While a broad front against MAGA is essential to stave off
authoritarian rule, it is not sufficient. A well-organized
progressive force with a vision of a robust multiracial and
gender-inclusive democracy and an economy that works for workers and
the poor is also needed
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This is for two main reasons. 

First, a majority coalition against MAGA cannot gain the depth of
support needed for victory based solely on a critique of MAGA’s
anti-democratic and anti-popular nature. A positive vision of a
post-MAGA society is needed to energize the exploited and oppressed
constituencies that have both the interest and capacity to drive the
broader anti-fascist coalition. 

That vision is not going to come from the current Democratic Party
leadership because their program calls for a return to a
slightly-tinkered-with pre-Trump status quo. In fact,
the (mal)practice of the current Democratic Congressional leadership
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of any collective focus, failure to even vote consistently as a united
bloc against every administration proposal and nominee—blunts the
credibility of their anti-MAGA argument. It normalizes Trump’s
presidency and creates the perception that Democrats don’t really
believe their claim that Trumpism is a dangerous threat to US
democracy. Only a radical contingent that opposes MAGA across the
board, promotes grassroots protests and defiance by elected officials,
and offers a vision of transformative change can catalyze and cohere a
winning resistance movement.

Second, putting gains for democracy and a better quality of life on a
firm foundation—and pushing MAGA not just out of governmental power
but back into the margins of US politics—will take more than
electoral victories, even when those are flanked by mass action. It
will require an assault on the structures that undergird inequality,
exploitation, and the tendency toward fascism. Only a force that
grasps the systemic links between authoritarianism, oligarchy,
militarism and the MAGA threat we face today can chart the kind of
assault needed. 

These considerations inform not just the Left’s approach to the
current anti-MAGA resistance. They shape our perspective on what it
will take to put the Trump era behind us and start a new progressive
cycle in US politics. For this, we need to think deeply about the
composition and program of the new governing coalition we hope to put
in power in 2028. 

Of prime importance, that coalition and its steps toward structural
change must galvanize and sustain truly mass support.
Working-class-oriented progressives are extremely unlikely to have the
strength to govern alone, even if the trend in US politics from Bernie
and AOC leftward grows significantly, and union density (a prime
measure of the level of working-class organization) triples in the
next four years and is accompanied by a commensurate positive shift in
union members’ politics.

If we succeed in becoming part of a new governing coalition in 2028,
the political challenge will involve maximizing progressive influence
on key winnable fights that deliver gains to a majority base and
simultaneously expand that base’s political horizons. It will be
urgent to start a dynamic where initial wins yield bigger wins and
move the center of gravity of the coalition steadily leftward while
simultaneously weakening the MAGA opposition. Only getting that kind
of dynamic into motion and sustaining it can make what comes
immediately after MAGA a steppingstone toward deep structural
transformation instead of a temporary period of grace before the next
backlash. 

_Max Elbaum is a member of the Convergence Magazine editorial board
and the author of Revolution in the Air: Sixties Radicals Turn to
Lenin, Mao and Che 
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Books, Third Edition, 2018), a history of the 1970s-‘80s ‘New
Communist Movement’ in which he was an active participant. He is
also a co-editor, with Linda Burnham and María Poblet, of Power
Concedes Nothing: How Grassroots Organizing Wins Elections 
[[link removed]](OR Books, 2022)._

_Convergence [[link removed]] is a magazine for
radical insights. We work with organizers and activists on the
frontlines of today’s most pressing struggles to produce articles,
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stories from the grassroots and making space for reflection and study.
Our community of readers, viewers, and content producers are united in
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economy. Subscribe. [[link removed]]_

* MAGA
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* Anti-Fascism
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* Donald Trump
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