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Cuts to PBS, NPR Part of Authoritarian Playbook Ari Paul ([link removed])
NPR: Trump plans order to cut funding for NPR and PBS
NPR CEO Katherine Maher (center) testifies in Congress against cuts to public broadcasting (NPR, 4/15/25 ([link removed]) ).
NPR (4/15/25 ([link removed]) ) found itself having to write its own obituary recently when it reported that the “Trump administration has drafted a memo to Congress outlining its intent to end nearly all federal funding for public media, which includes NPR and PBS.”
The White House declared in a statement (4/14/25 ([link removed]) ) that
American taxpayers have been on the hook for subsidizing National Public Radio (NPR) and the Public Broadcasting Service (PBS), which spread radical, woke propaganda disguised as "news.”
It said the administration would ask Congress to rescind $1.1 billion, or two years' worth of approved funding, from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the federally created and funded organization that channels money to both national and local public broadcasters.
** 'Finally get this done'
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Fred Rogers defends the Corporation for Public Broadcasting before Congress (5/1/69)
Fred Rogers defends the Corporation for Public Broadcasting before Congress (5/1/69 ([link removed]) ).
Republicans have been threatening to defund public broadcasting since its inception. Fred Rogers, known for his children’s program Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood, testified in support of PBS before Congress in 1969 in the face of attempted cuts to the fledgling CPB during the Nixon administration (PBS, 11/22/19 ([link removed]) ).
After the 2010 Republican congressional takeover, the House of Representatives under then–President Barack Obama voted to defund NPR and prohibit “public radio stations from using federal grant money to pay dues to NPR,” according to PBS (3/17/11 ([link removed]) ). This came “a week after conservative activists secretly recorded an NPR executive making derogatory comments about Tea Party supporters,” leading to the “resignation of NPR CEO Vivian Schiller.”
But even when Republicans have had full control of Washington, the GOP has backed down from destroying public broadcasting generally, recognizing the popularity of shows like Sesame Street with constituents—and the ease with which they have wrung content concessions ([link removed]) from the networks.
Indeed, while some right-wing critics seem truly opposed to public broadcasting, the repeated retreats from following through suggest that more of those critics preferred to simply use their leverage over CPB funding to push NPR and PBS political programming to the right. (See FAIR.org’s critical coverage of NPR here ([link removed]) and PBS here ([link removed]) .)
Times may be different now, though. Project 2025 ([link removed]) , the Heritage Foundation policy book that guides much of this administration’s actions, says ([link removed]) forcefully:
All Republican presidents have recognized that public funding of domestic broadcasts is a mistake.... The next conservative president must finally get this done and do it despite opposition from congressional members of his own party if necessary.
With Voice of America journalists fighting in court against the broadcaster’s closure (LA Times, 3/19/25 ([link removed]) ; AP, 3/28/25 ([link removed]) ), and the administration’s weaponization of the Federal Communications Commission to chill speech of private and public broadcasters (FAIR.org, 2/26/25 ([link removed]) ), the threat against PBS and NPR is very real.
** Unpopular cuts
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The right is loving the news. The New York Post (4/14/25 ([link removed]) ) reported:
The White House memo notes that NPR CEO Katherine Maher once called Trump a “fascist” and a “deranged racist”—statements that Maher told Congress last month she now regrets making—and cites two recent PBS programs featuring transgender characters.
Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.) applauded the plan Monday, tweeting: “NPR and PBS have a right to publish their biased coverage—but they don’t have a right to spend taxpayer money on it. It’s time to defund the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.”
More broadly, however, the proposed cuts aren’t popular, as only “about a quarter of US adults (24%) say Congress should remove federal funding from NPR and PBS,” according to Pew Research (3/26/25 ([link removed]) ), while a “larger share (43%) say NPR and PBS should continue to receive funding from the federal government.”
Pie chart of CPB's budget
Where CPB's money goes (from its financial report ([link removed]) ).
While the cut wouldn’t decimate NPR, which only gets 1% of its funding directly from the CPB, the impact on its member stations could be significant, especially in minor media markets. (And NPR also gets 30% ([link removed]) of its funding from those member stations' programming and service fees.) Seventy percent ([link removed]) of CPB funding goes directly to local public radio and public television stations. As Maher explained on NPR’s All Things Considered (4/16/25 ([link removed]) ):
So the big impact would be on rural stations, stations in geographies that are quite large or complex in order to be able to receive broadcasts, where infrastructure costs are very high.
This could result in “those stations really having to cut back services or potentially going away altogether.”
The blow to public television, which faces higher costs and gets a much bigger chunk of its funding from the CPB, would be more dire—again, especially in smaller media markets. Both PBS NewsHour (4/16/25 ([link removed]) ) and the New York Times (4/1/25 ([link removed]) ) noted that Alaska Public Media, an NPR and PBS affiliate, could shutter entire stations in what is already a news desert.
Even if Congress manages to muster the votes to block the rescission of funds for now, Trump's knives are clearly out for public broadcasting. Earlier this year, Inside Radio (1/31/25 ([link removed]) ) reported, FCC chair Brendan Carr ([link removed]) launched an investigation into
whether NPR and PBS stations are violating the terms of their authorizations to operate as noncommercial educational stations by running underwriting announcements on behalf of for-profit entities.
As FAIR (Extra!, 9–10/93 ([link removed]) ) has long pointed out, the "underwriting announcements" on public broadcasting are commercials under a different name, and they violate the noncommercial promise of both PBS and NPR. But the Trump administration is not offering to increase public funding so these outlets can be less dependent on corporate sponsorship; to the contrary, it's trying to take both federal and corporate money away in hopes of destroying public media altogether.
** Clamping down on dissent
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Annenberg: Public Media Can Improve Our ‘Flawed’ Democracy
Victor Pickard (Annenberg, 3/16/22 ([link removed]) ): "A robust public media system is beneficial—perhaps even essential—for maintaining a healthy democratic society."
One could look at this threat as part of Trump’s general distrust of major media and desire to seek revenge against outlets he believes have been unfair to him (AP, 12/14/24 ([link removed]) ; Fox News, 4/14/25 ([link removed]) ). Another way to look at the situation is that cuts to public broadcasting send a message to the Republican base that the administration is serious about reducing federal spending generally—a purely symbolic message, of course, since CPB funding amounts to 0.008% of the federal budget.
But going after public broadcasters is also a part of the neo-fascist playbook authoritarian leaders around the world are using to clamp down on dissent and keep the public in the dark, all in the name of protecting the people from partisan reporting (Political Quarterly, 3/28/24 ([link removed]) ). That’s largely because strong public media systems and open democracy go hand in hand (Annenberg School, 3/16/22 ([link removed]) ).
In Argentina, President Javier Milei has moved to shut down ([link removed]) media seen as too left-wing, including the national news agency Télam. The move was blasted by press advocates and trade unionists (Página 12, 3/1/24 ([link removed]) ; Reason, 3/4/24 ([link removed]) ). “Télam as we knew it has ceased to exist. The end,” a presidential spokesperson reportedly said last year (Clarín, 7/1/24 ([link removed]) ).
The Guardian (5/6/24 ([link removed]) ) reported that journalists at the Italian state broadcaster RAI have struck “against the ‘suffocating control’ allegedly being wielded by Giorgia Meloni ([link removed]) ’s right-wing government over their work,” which included allegations that the network censored “an antifascism monologue that was due to be read on one of its TV talkshows by the high-profile author Antonio Scurati.”
After Meloni took power in 2022, according to Le Monde (7/23/24 ([link removed]) ), RAI,
considered a bastion of the left, faced show cancellations, strategic personnel changes and program restructuring, all seen as part of a far-right cultural conflict under the pretext of promoting diversity.
The union representing RAI journalists warned (La Stampa, 1/26/25 ([link removed]) ) that the broadcaster’s editorial control has shifted from hosts to a shadowy new management, which “risk[s] wiping out the work that over 150 journalists have been doing for years in network programs.”
The far-right Israeli government is pushing a bill to privatize the Israeli Public Broadcasting Corporation (IPBC), which the nation’s attorney general warned threatened to silence criticism of the government and create a "chilling effect" on other media outlets (Jerusalem Post, 11/24/24 ([link removed]) ). The attack on Israeli public media comes as Netanyahu’s government has sought to curtail press freedom generally in Israel since the nation invaded Gaza in 2023 (Deutsche Welle, 11/28/24 ([link removed]) ), including a government boycott of the left-leaning newspaper Haaretz (Guardian, 11/24/24 ([link removed]) ), and intensified military censorship of the press (+972, 5/20/24 ([link removed]) ). The death toll
([link removed]) among Palestinian journalists in the Israeli invasions of Gaza and Lebanon has been catastrophic (FAIR.org, 10/19/23 ([link removed]) , 5/1/24 ([link removed]) , 3/26/25 ([link removed]) ).
What these figures have in common with Trump is that they aren’t just extreme in their conservatism, they are actively opposed to democracy (New Yorker, 3/7/23 ([link removed]) ; Foreign Policy, 12/9/23 ([link removed]) ; Jacobin, 6/14/24 ([link removed]) ).
While the US right has no shortage of TV networks, radio shows, websites and podcasts, the attack on public broadcasters, widely regarded as Blue State media, tells the MAGA movement that the government is working to cleanse society of any remaining opposition to its illiberal takeover (CNN, 3/26/25 ([link removed]) ). Trump’s move against PBS and NPR is in line with these other anti-democratic regimes, attempting the same kind of transition to autocracy. His administration is a part of a global authoritarian movement that wants less media, academia and other democratic institutions, because these can be incubators of critical dissent against the government and corporate elite.
NPR and PBS don’t always live up to that mission. But cutting their ability to operate makes politics more opaque by limiting news consumers’ options beyond privately owned right-wing broadcasters. And that appears to be the point.
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