Legal Challenge Update
Here you can find our response to the Government Reply over the
COVID 19 Lockdowns

Dear Madam
Re: English Democrats (Reg No. 6132268) and Robin Tilbrook – v –
The Prime Minister and the Secretary of State Health and Social Care
(Your Ref:Z2005059/TIH/HO17
Thank you for your letter of the 30th April. We respond to your
points numeratim as follows:-
We refer to the old and ignoble advocate’s adage of:- “If your case
is strong on the law then bang on about the law; if you case is strong
on the facts then bang on about the facts; but if your case is neither
strong on the law nor on the facts then bang on the table”.
Respectfully, much of your letter is evidently banging on the table
and either ad hominem and/or merely prejudicial, instead of addressing
the issues.
We contend that a certification of “Totally Without Merit”
(particularly in cases such as our client’s previous one where many
lawyers, including eminent ones, had already opined that the case was
of strong merit) is a naked breach of basic rights to a fair hearing,
going back to Magna Carta in England, and also under Article 6 in the
European Convention of Human Rights.
There is little point in referring to the “entirety of the United
Kingdom” when the British Government and, in particular, the Secretary
of State for Health, only has jurisdiction over Health in
England.
As the example of Sweden shows, the British Government has by
no means been “obliged” to act in the way that it has. The way in
which the Government has acted has probably not limited the spread of
the virus, nor probably saved lives, albeit it is accepted that it has
acted to “reduce the burden of the National Health Service”, but that
is not a legal justification for its actions which are politically
motivated and also in response to Mainstream Media hysteria. It has
certainly crashed the English economy.
We would ask for sight of the “Review”, which you say was concluded
on the 16th April.
More generally on the issue of ultra vires we would respond as
follows:-
Statutory Instrument: 2020 No. 350
Public Health, England
The Health Protection (Coronavirus, Restrictions) (England)
Regulations 2020
Statutory Instruments are not primary legislation and therefore
according to trite Law they cannot legally exceed the scope of the
powers granted to Ministers under the primary legislation. In this
case this is the Public Health (Control of Disease) Act 1984. This is
an Act primarily focussed on controlling international trade and
travel, particularly with reference to shipping and docks and, by
extension, also airports and aerodromes. There is no authority in
this Act for a general Lockdown of the People of England, or for many
of the businesses conducted by the People of England.
The Prime Minister is reported to have expressly refused to
authorise regulations to control international travel as is reported
here:-
Priti
Patel in row with Boris Johnson over closing Britain's borders to keep
coronavirus at bay
The result, as has been reported in the Guardian (on 5.5.20) is
that, in the period from 1st January 2020 to 23rd March 2020, the
Government had permitted over 18 million international travellers to
come into the United Kingdom unchecked and untested for Coronavirus,
even from points of origin where there was known to be infection.
The Public Health (Control of Disease) Act 1984 would have
permitted restrictions to such travellers, but as stated above, the
Prime Minister expressly declined to take steps which were within the
powers of the Act and thus of the Secretary of State.
The Government also did not take action under the Civil
Contingencies Act 2004, nor under the Coronavirus Act 2020 which the
Government rushed through Parliament duplicitously, claiming that it
needed the powers urgently.
Within 12 hours of Royal Assent for this Act, the Secretary of
State had promulgated his pre-prepared “Health Protection
(Coronavirus, Restrictions) (England) Regulations 2020”, purportedly
pursuant to the 1984 Act.
The Claimants will rely upon the natural meaning of The Public
Health (Control of Disease) Act 1984, considered both literally and
also purpositively
It is submitted that the 1984 Act only provides powers to create
Regulations against individual persons or singular gatherings, not
a
general Lockdown of the People of England.
The effect of permitting on-going mass international travel has
undoubtedly been to vastly facilitate the spread of Coronavirus
infection into the population of England.
If that was not enough, the Government, for the sake of the NHS,
promulgated the regulation:- “Covid-19
Hospital Discharge Service Requirements”
Under this large numbers of elderly “bed-blockers”, whom NHS
management had long wanted to get out of the hospitals, were
transferred into Care Homes, paid for by Government funds. This had
the effect, which seems to have been in the contemplation of the
drafters of this regulation, of spreading the Coronavirus infection
widely within the Care Homes to which these hospital patients were
sent. Thus, no doubt, very considerably increasing the death toll in
such homes.
The Government’s actions in “Locking Down” the general population
of England whilst continuing to permit mass international travel and
placing at risk the inmates of care homes and crashing the English
economy, is in stark contrast to the careful and responsible response
which the Swedish Government has adopted for Sweden.
It was also irresponsible, reckless and ultra vires for regulations
to be issued for the purposes, not of controlling the disease itself,
but instead of “saving the NHS”.
NHS England, is the only national health service which is under the
control of the British Government. NHS Wales, NHS Scotland and NHS
Northern Ireland are under the control of their respective National
and Provincial Governments and not of the British Government. That is
why the British Prime Minster and British Secretary of State from the
British Cabinet are the proper Defendants in these England focussed
proceedings.
It is also noted that the status of the Coronavirus (AKA Covid-19)
was reduced from the status of a “High Consequence Infectious
Disease” under the NHS guideline “High consequence infectious diseases
(HCID)” published on the 19th March 2020. Further it is noted that the
Advisory Committee on Dangerous Pathogens (ACDP) is also of the
opinion that Covid-19 should no longer be classified as a HCID.
Your point about the unpaid Costs Order is, with the greatest
of respect, preposterous as an obstacle to bringing Judicial
Review against different parties, on a different matter. We refer to 2
above. The case quoted is also irrelevant. The First Claimant is
however prepared to pay the £2,755.99 which you refer to. Please
provide details of where and how to pay that and what reference to
apply etc.
With the greatest of respect it is obvious that political
parties and corporations and individuals all have enough standing to
challenge whether or not the Government has behaved with
constitutional propriety within the powers given to them and, in
accordance with the European Convention of Human Rights, by way of
Judicial Review. This is as opposed to bringing a claim for damages,
which does of course require proof of loss. This is cogently expressed
in Supperstone and Goudie - Judicial Review, published by
Butterworths
If the Regulations had been, as initially notified,
restricted to a duration of three weeks (despite our case that they
would still have been illegal), it would arguably not have been
proportionate to bring Judicial Review proceedings to have them
quashed.
In the light of the Government’s expressed intention to
continue with these Regulations, it has become more and more important
to bring this case. In addition, it is noted that others are now
feeling likewise and are also proposing to bring Judicial Review
proceedings. The primary requirement is, of course, as you well know,
that the Judicial Review is brought within three months.
Further it is noted that the Regulations were amended on the 22nd
April 2020 by the Health Protection (Coronavirus, Restrictions)
(England) (Amendment) Regulations 2020 (Statutory Instrument 2020/447)
(“The Amended Regulations”). The Amended Regulations introduced
stricter conditions on the English public, in particular by preventing
them from remaining outside their residence, rather than restricting
them from leaving them, save for a “reasonable excuse” (sic!). These
Amended Regulations were made without any publicity or democratic
debate. Both the Regulations and the Amended Regulations are
challenged herein.
With respect we cannot see how you can make such a claim as it is
self-evident that the Restrictions in the Regulations include many
interferences with the European Convention of Human Rights. E.g. Those
Restrictions that would prevent gatherings of more than 2 people are
disproportionate breaches of the fundamental rights and freedoms
protected by Articles 5, 6, 9, 11 and 14 and by Articles 1 and 2 of
Protocol 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental
Freedoms.
It is, with respect, obvious that the “Covid-19 Pandemic” is
not unprecedented since there have been previous pandemics, including
some much worse than the current situation. To take one example, the
Spanish Flu killed over 250,000 within the United Kingdom and over 50
million worldwide. Yet there was no Lockdown and no Restrictions but,
on the contrary, a General Election was held in December 1918, in the
middle of that genuine pandemic.
The Restrictions imposed by the Regulations had as their
primary objective what is primarily a management measure regarding the
running of NHS England. As already explained, the Government’s
actions have clearly not focussed just on the protection of public
health.
We have set out above much more of our case on ultra vires. We
submit that, given the obvious discrepancy between the focus of the
Act on travel and the Regulations and Amended Regulations on Lockdown,
that the Defendants’ Regulations and Amended Regulations are ultra
vires. The operation of the Regulations and Amended Regulations are
“contrary to the fundamental constitution of England as set out in
Magna Carta and the English Parliamentary Constitution and Convention
Declaration of Right of 1689 and it subsequent and its subsequent
enactment in the Bill of Rights 1689”. This is wholly coherent. The
Declaration of Right 1689 is the fundamental constitutional lynchpin
of England’s constitution. It prescribes the proper bounds of
Parliament and it is Ultra Vires and Unconstitutional for Parliament
to purport to legislate against the bounds set for it and the
Executive by the Declaration of Right. (See [1953] ScotCS CSIH_2, 1953
SC 396, 1953 SLT 255)
Whilst what we suggested in our previous letter is that it
might be possible to agree regulations that would be lawful, our
primary contention is, of course, that so far as the existing
Regulations and Amended Regulations, Guidance and the Coronavirus Act
2020 are concerned, that they should all be quashed as being legally
and constitutionally invalid.
It is obvious that in fact any legal person or individual
within England is also an interested party
More generally, we support and endorse the arguments put
forward by Messrs Wedlake Bell in their letter to the Second Defendant
dated the 30th April on behalf of their client Simon Dolan.
Yours faithfully
Tilbrook’s

Friend, you know this cause is just and what has happened is a
public scandal but unless you play your part there is little anyone
can do. Sadly JUSTICE CAN PROVE VERY EXPENSIVE in our legal system
with such cases so will you chip in?
Will you lend your support to this
most worthy cause or will you turn your back on the tens of thousands
of English victims and will you allow this Government to treat YOU
like a mushroom?
The game is afoot, the trumpet calls us to battle Friend, I need to
know: ARE YOU WITH ME?
Yours sincerely

Robin Tilbrook
Chairman - The English Democrats
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